When Siddaramaiah, Chief Minister of Karnataka instructed the state’s chief secretary to study Tamil Nadu’s recent prohibition on RSS activities in government premises, the move sparked a fresh wave of debate across South India. The directive came on , after Priyank Kharge, Minister for Information Technology, Biotechnology and Science & Technology sent a letter demanding a parallel ban in Karnataka’s schools, colleges and state‑run temples. Kharge, who is also the son of Mallikarjun Kharge, national president of the Indian National Congress, argued that the RSS’s "Baithaks" constitute a form of brain‑washing that conflicts with the Constitution.
The Tamil Nadu government, led by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), issued an order on that barred the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) from holding gatherings in any government‑owned property. The policy, according to a state press release, covers 1,342 government schools, 84 colleges and 27 heritage temples. Officials say the move was taken after several complaints that RSS volunteers were using public auditoriums for political training sessions.
While the ban’s legal footing is still being challenged in the Madras High Court, the Tamil Nadu precedent has quickly become a reference point for opposition parties in neighboring states, especially Karnataka, where the RSS enjoys a strong grassroots presence.
In the October 14 letter, Priyank Kharge wrote, “We have no problem with the ideology, but we cannot allow state‑funded venues to become platforms for mass brain‑washing.” He requested that the state prohibit RSS "Baithaks" not only in educational institutions but also in archaeological and state‑owned temples. The minister cited the Tamil Nadu order as evidence that such a restriction is administratively feasible.
Kharge also questioned the RSS’s social impact, noting that “many members remain bachelors despite preaching family values.” He asked rhetorically, “If the philosophy were so beneficial, why don’t we see the children of BJP leaders taking the Trishul Diksha?” The tone of the letter, peppered with sarcasm, quickly polarized lawmakers.
The BJP’s response was swift and vocal. CT Ravi, a firebrand Karnataka BJP MLA, called the RSS “a symbol of nationalism” and accused the Congress of “backing terrorists.” In a press briefing in Bengaluru, Ravi said, “Any attempt to curb the RSS is an attack on our cultural heritage.”
Across state lines, Devendra Fadnavis, the chief minister of Maharashtra, dismissed Kharge’s demand as a “foolish publicity stunt.” Fadnavis referenced the Emergency period of the 1970s, drawing a parallel between past government crackdowns on the RSS and the current debate.
These comments intensified an already heated atmosphere, with BJP members staging a “Bengaluru Nadige” rally on . According to eyewitnesses, a scuffle broke out between Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar and BJP MLA Munirathna, although the chief minister later said he was unaware of whether the MLA had been officially invited.
Addressing reporters after the Sarvadharma Mahasangama conference at Bandigani Mutt in Rabkavi Banhatti, Siddaramaiah said, “The RSS organisation is using government spaces for its activities. Minister Kharge has written that, since it is banned in Tamil Nadu, we should consider a similar step here.” He added that the chief secretary would be tasked with examining the Tamil Nadu order’s legal framework, implementation challenges, and outcomes.
“We will look at the precedent, the judicial rulings and the administrative mechanisms,” Siddaramaiah told a packed press room. “If the policy proved effective and lawful, we will decide the best course for Karnataka.” The chief minister also denied any link between the controversy and an upcoming cabinet reshuffle, stating that internal party dynamics were the sole determinant of such decisions.
Legal experts note that any Karnataka ban would have to navigate several constitutional safeguards. Former Supreme Court judge R. R. Bhat warned, “Freedom of association is protected under Article 19(1)(c). Any restriction must be reasonable, non‑discriminatory, and pass the test of proportionality.” On the other hand, advocates for the ban argue that the use of public property for partisan activities infringes on the state’s duty to remain secular.
Data from the Karnataka State Education Department indicates that, as of September 2025, over 2,150 government schools have reported at least one RSS‑related event in the past year. The Ministry of Home Affairs also listed 467 temple premises where RSS volunteers have held cultural programs, a figure that has risen by 12% compared to 2024.
Politically, the issue could become a litmus test for the Congress government ahead of the 2026 state elections. Opinion polls released by LokSatta Survey in early October show that 38% of Karnataka voters consider the RSS’s presence in schools a “major concern,” while 42% remain neutral or supportive of the organization’s cultural activities.
The chief secretary is expected to submit a detailed report by early November. If the findings favor a ban, the state cabinet could issue an order within weeks, prompting potential legal challenges in the High Court of Karnataka.
Meanwhile, both parties are gearing up for a media battle. The Congress plans to highlight the Tamil Nadu model as a “pro‑secular” precedent, whereas the BJP is likely to frame any restriction as an attack on “national unity.” The outcome will not only affect Karnataka’s policy landscape but could also influence how other states address the delicate balance between religious organisations and public institutions.
Kharge asked the Karnataka government to prohibit RSS gatherings – known as “Baithaks” – in all government‑run schools, colleges, and state‑owned temples, citing Tamil Nadu’s July 2025 order as a template. He argued that these events amount to political indoctrination on public property.
The Tamil Nadu policy, announced on July 1, 2025, bans RSS use of any government building for meetings, workshops or cultural programs. It currently applies to 1,342 government schools, 84 colleges and 27 heritage temples, and includes provisions for penalties against officials who permit violations.
Any restriction must satisfy India’s constitutional guarantee of freedom of association under Article 19(1)(c). Courts will examine whether the ban is a reasonable limitation, if it serves a public interest, and whether it is applied uniformly without targeting a specific community.
BJP firebrand CT Ravi labeled the move “anti‑national,” while Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis dismissed the request as a “foolish publicity stunt.” Both have warned that any ban would alienate RSS volunteers, who form a core part of the party’s grassroots network.
Polls show that the RSS issue resonates with a sizable segment of the electorate. If the Congress proceeds with a ban, it may win support from secular voters but risk alienating those who view the RSS as a cultural organization, potentially reshaping campaign narratives for both parties.
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